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All issues · Elections · No. 48

Redistricting and Gerrymandering

Who should draw the lines that decide which votes are competitive?

Every ten years, district boundaries are redrawn. Whoever controls that process can shape election outcomes for a decade without changing a single voter's mind. Both major parties draw favorable maps where they hold the power to do so.

Congressional and state legislative districts must be redrawn after each census to equalize population. Who does the drawing varies: in most states the legislature, in a growing number an independent or bipartisan commission, and in some cases courts when the political process deadlocks.

Two techniques do most of the work. Packing concentrates opposing voters into a few districts so they win those overwhelmingly and lose everywhere else. Cracking splits a bloc across many districts so it forms a majority in none. Both are measurable, and both are older than modern computing.

Mapping software has made the practice far more precise. Districts can now be drawn against detailed voter data to produce predictable outcomes across an entire decade, which is a change in degree large enough that many analysts treat it as a change in kind.

The legal landscape splits. The Supreme Court held in 2019 that partisan gerrymandering claims are not justiciable in federal court, leaving them to state courts and state constitutions. Racial gerrymandering claims remain reviewable under the Constitution and the Voting Rights Act, and the boundary between racial and partisan motive is heavily litigated because the two often correlate.

Mid-decade redistricting — redrawing maps between censuses — has become a live tactic in several states, prompting counter-redistricting elsewhere. Whether this is legitimate or an escalation is itself now contested.

POSITION 1 / 3

Enforcement first

A country that cannot control who enters cannot set immigration policy at all, and orderly systems require credible enforcement.

  • Predictable consequences for unlawful entry reduce the incentive to attempt it.
  • Smuggling organizations profit from and endanger migrants in transit.
  • Rapid processing and removal of unfounded claims preserves capacity for genuine ones.
  • Public support for legal immigration depends on confidence that rules are enforced.

POSITION 2 / 3

Protection and processing

Deterrence alone does not stop people fleeing danger; it changes their route and raises their risk.

  • Asylum is a legal right, and seeking it is not unlawful entry.
  • Harder enforcement historically pushed crossings toward more dangerous terrain.
  • Adequate judges and asylum officers would resolve claims in months rather than years.
  • Addressing violence and instability in origin countries reduces the pressure at its source.

POSITION 3 / 3

Expand lawful channels

Much unauthorized migration reflects the absence of a legal route that matches real labor demand.

  • Employers in agriculture, construction, and care work face persistent shortages.
  • Sufficient visa capacity would move flows into channels that can be screened.
  • Workplace verification is more effective when a lawful alternative exists.
  • Circular migration becomes possible when re-entry is not effectively one-way.
Terms you will hearFind your officials →
Packing
Concentrating opposing voters into few districts so their votes are wasted on lopsided wins.
Cracking
Splitting a voting bloc across districts so it forms a majority in none.
Efficiency gap
A statistical measure of wasted votes, proposed as a test for partisan gerrymandering.
Majority-minority district
A district drawn so a racial or ethnic minority forms a majority; required in some circumstances, restricted in others.
Mid-decade redistricting
Redrawing maps between censuses rather than after one.
Rucho v. Common Cause
The 2019 decision holding partisan gerrymandering claims non-justiciable in federal court.
What people actually disagree aboutFind your officials →
  1. If both parties do it, is unilateral reform in one state fair to its own voters?
  2. Can courts distinguish partisan from racial motive when the two track each other closely?
  3. Should competitiveness be a goal, or only equal population and contiguity?
Do something about itFind your officials →

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